公共舆论课件.ppt

1、公共舆论（李普曼）沃尔特李普曼(Walter Lippmann，18891974)李普曼李普曼 生平简介生平简介v1889年9月生于纽约，是德国犹太人第二代移民后裔。v念完学士后，李普曼继续留在哈佛攻读研究生，再此期间，任桑塔亚纳教授的助手，协助讲授哲学史。v1910年夏末，著名“耙粪记者”林肯斯蒂芬斯来哈佛招助手，经过与哈佛教授磋商后，选择了李普曼。从此李普曼涉及新闻工作，此后供职于多家媒体。v1912年他辞去一切职务，前往缅因州，撰写政治序论。政治序论出版后获得成果成功，西奥多罗斯福对此书推崇备至，与李普曼往来交换意见。v1914年趋势与主宰问世，它和政治序论一道引起人们广泛注意。同年与人

2、合办新共和杂志，担任副主编。第一次世界大战期间曾任美国陆军部部长助理。v1921年至1931年，任纽约世界报编辑、主编，10年间为其撰写了大量社论(后汇为10卷出版)，享誉一时。v1931年世界报停刊后，在纽约先驱论坛报上开设“今日与明日”专栏，所写专栏被国内外250家报刊转载。v1932年与菲耶离婚，与海伦阿姆斯特朗结婚。v1961年1月，“今日与明日”转到新闻周刊刊载，由华盛顿邮报辛迪加向国内外转发，直到1967年3月最后一期。v1964年9月，林登约翰逊总统在李普曼75岁生日前授予其总统自由勋章。授勋书上写道：“他以精辟的见解和独特的洞察力，对这个国家和世界的事务进行了深刻的分析，从而开

3、阔了人们的思想境界。”v1967年退休，继续为新闻周刊等撰写评论。v1974年85岁生日时，纽约市授予他最高荣誉青铜奖。v作为美国著名的新闻评论家和作家，60年的工作使他成为世界上最有名的政治专栏作家之一，他的专栏评论被不止250家美国报纸和大约25家国外报纸刊用，同时它还分别为50多家杂志撰稿。他获得了1958度普利策新闻奖。李普曼李普曼 主要著作主要著作v外交的主宰1915年，国际问题的第一部著作。v道德序言1919年 v自由与新闻1920年 v舆论学(Public Opinion)1921年 v鬼影般的公众1925年 v命运的人1926年 v美国的检查官1928年 v美国在世界事务中(与

4、威廉斯克罗格斯合著)1931、32、33年 v解释1932年、1933-1935年 v自由的方法1934年 v新的需要1935年 v战争与和平札记1940年 v美国的外交政策共和国的盾牌1943年 v美国的战争目标1944年 v冷战1947年 v公共哲学论文集1955年 第一部分 导论 第一章 外部世界与我们头脑中的景象 Chapter I THE WORLD OUTSIDE AND THE PICTURES IN OUR HEADSv大洋中有一个岛屿，1914年时，那里住着几个英国人，法国人和德国人，岛上不通电缆，英国油轮每60天来一次。到了9月，油轮还没来，这些岛民谈论的话题仍是最后那期报

5、纸报道的即将对卡约夫人枪杀加斯东一案进行审判的消息。There is an island in the ocean where in 1914 a few Englishmen,Frenchmen,and Germans lived.No cable reaches that island,and the British mail steamer comes but once in sixty days.In September it had not yet come,and the islanders were still talking about the latest newspaper

6、 which told about the approaching trial of Madame Caillaux for the shooting of Gaston Calmette.v因此，9月中旬的一天，他们抱着非同寻常的急切心情全都涌向码头，想听那位船长说说做出了什么样的裁决。但他们得知，6个星期以来，英国人和法国人为了协约的尊严正在同德国人作战。在这不可思议的6个星期中这些岛民仍然像朋友一样相处，而事实上他们已经成了敌人。They learned that for over six weeks now those of them who were English and thos

7、e of them who were French had been fighting in behalf of the sanctity of treaties against those of them who were Germans.For six strange weeks they had acted as if they were friends,when in fact they were enemies.v追溯既往就可以看到，我们在认识我们仍然生活于其中的那个环境时时多么地迂回曲折。出于优越的事后聪明，我们会坚持认为，他们必须认识的那个世界和他们曾经认识的那个世界，经常是背道

8、而驰的两回事。Looking back we can see how indirectly we know the environment in which nevertheless we live.We can see that the news of it comes to us now fast,now slowly;but that whatever we believe to be a true picture,we treat as if it were the environment itself.v这位理想化的霞飞成了一个复合体，原料来自他，他的参谋部和他的军队多所赢得的胜利，

9、以及人们对战争的绝望情绪，个人的遭遇和不幸和对未来胜利的期待。This ideal Joffre was compounded out of the victory won by him,his staff and his troops,the despair of the war,the personal sorrows,and the hope of future victory.v一个人对于并未亲身经历的事件所能产生的唯一情感，就是被他内心对那个事件的想象所激发起来的情感。这就可以说明为什么我们在了解别人的思想之前，不可能真正理解他们的行为。The only feeling that a

10、nyone can have about an event he does not experience is the feeling aroused by his mental image of that event.That is why until we know what others think they know,we cannot truly understand their acts.v对于所有这些事例，我们尤其应当注意一个共同的因素，那就是楔入在人和环境之间的虚拟环境。他们的虚拟环境，世界在他们内心形成的图像，是他们思想，感情和行为中的决定性因素。In all these i

11、nstances we must note particularly one common factor.It is the insertion between man and his environment of a pseudo-environment.To that pseudo-environment his behavior is a response.But because it is behavior,the consequences,if they are acts,operate not in the pseudo-environment where the behavior

12、 is stimulated,but in the real environment where action eventuates.v对世界的想象方式，决定着人们在任何特定时刻将要作出的行为。它并不决定人们的成功与否。For it is clear enough that under certain conditions men respond as powerfully to fictions as they do to realities,and that in many cases they help to create the very fictions to which they

13、respond.v因此，对于舆论进行分析的起点，应该是认识活动舞台，舞台形象和人对那个活动舞台上自行产生的形象所做的反应之间的三角关系。The analyst of public opinion must begin then,by recognizing the triangular relationship between the scene of action,the human picture of that scene,and the human response to that picture working itself out upon the scene of action.

14、v比如，两个交战国家都会确信自己是在采取自卫行动，为什么两个争斗不已的阶级都在一口咬定自己是共同利益的代言人。我们可能会说，他们生活在不同的世界。但更准确地说，他们生活在同一个世界，但却认为并感到不共戴天。It is like a play suggested to the actors by their own experience,in which the plot is transacted in the real lives of the actors,and not merely in their stage parts.The moving picture often emphas

15、izes withgreat skill this double drama of interior motive and external behavior.v外部世界的这些特征，我们简约地称作公共事务。这些特征当然与他人的表现有关，只要他人的表现与我们的表现相抵触，就会受到我们的左右，或者引起我们的关注。Those features of the world outside which have to do with the behavior of other human beings,in so far as that behavior crosses ours,is dependent

16、 upon us,or is interesting to us,we call roughly public affairs.v他人脑海中的图像关于自身，关于别人，关于他们的需求，意图和人际关系的图像，就是他们的舆论。这些对人类群体或以群体名义行事的个人产生着影响的图像，就是大写的舆论。The pictures inside the heads of these human beings,the pictures of themselves,of others,of their needs,purposes,and relationship,are their public opinions

17、.第二部分 对外部世界的研究PART II APPROACHES TO THE WORLD OUTSIDE 第二章 审查与保密 CHAPTER II CENSORSHIP AND PRIVACY 一致作战军队的总参谋部能如此大范围地控制将被公众看到的东西。它决定哪些记者能上前线，控制他们在前线的活动，审读他们发自前线的消息，并操纵着无线电广播。The General Staff of an army in the field is so placed that within wide limits it can control what the public will perceive.It

18、controls the selection of correspondents who go to the front,controls their movements at the front,reads and censors their messages from the front,and operates the wires.v它靠合法权力，也靠特务机关，控制出版商，控制公共集会。因此，当局并没有让公众对将军们了解的所有事实真相发挥影响，而只是向他们展示了某些事实，只有采取这种方式才最有可能稳定人心。It emphasizes it by legal power over publ

19、ishers,over public meetings,and by its secret service.But in the case of an army the control is far from perfect.There is always the enemys communique,which in these days of wireless cannot be kept away from neutrals.Above all there is the talk of the soldiers,which blows back from the front,and is

20、spread about when they are on leave.v如果没有某种形式的审查制度，这个世界就不可能存在严格意义上的宣传。为了进行某种宣传，就必须在公众与时间之间设置某些屏障。在一个人创造出他认为明智而可取的虚拟环境之前，必须限制他接近真实环境。Without some form of censorship,propaganda in the strict sense of the word is impossible.In order to conduct a propaganda there must be some barrier between the public

21、and the event.Access to the real environment must be limited,before anyone can create a pseudo-environment that he thinks wise or desirable.v无论保密的理由是言之凿凿还是牵强附会，屏障都是存在的。然而，军事审查是最简单的屏障方式，但决不是最重要的，因为它的存在已为总所周知，因而在某种程度上得到了人们的赞同，并且不大被当回事。Whether the reasons for privacy are good or bad,the barriers exist.

22、Privacy is insisted upon at all kinds of places in the area of what is called public affairs.It is often very illuminating,therefore,to ask yourself how you got at the facts on which you base your opinion.第三章第三章 交往与机会交往与机会 CHAPTER III CONTACT AND OPPORTUNITYv虽然审查和保密在源头上截住了大量信息，但更大量的事实本来就不会传到整个公众那里，或

23、者传得非常缓慢。因为观念有着截然不同的传播范围。While censorship and privacy intercept much information at its source,a very much larger body of fact never reaches the whole public at all,or only very slowly.For there are very distinct limits upon the circulation of ideas.v有些养尊处优的人们把他们的大部分闲暇和闲钱用于开车兜风和品评汽车用于打桥牌和品评牌技，用于喋喋不休对

24、同一些唠叨几乎没有变化的同一些话题。实际上他们不可能被要求接受审查，不可能被要求保守秘密，不可能感受到交流的高昂代价和严重困难。There are portions of the sovereign people who spend most of their spare time and spare money on motoring and comparing motor cars,on bridge-whist and post-mortems,on moving-pictures and potboilers,talking always to the same people with

25、 minute variations on the same old themes.They cannot really be said to sufferfrom censorship,or secrecy,the high cost or the difficulty of communication.v他们对于人类舞台几乎一无所知，既不想上台表演，对台上的表演也不感兴趣。他们的问题并不是接触外部世界。众多的兴趣领域在等待他们探索，但他们却不想进入。They suffer from anemia,from lack of appetite and curiosity for the hum

26、an scene.Theirs is no problem of access to the world outside.Worlds of interest are waiting for them to explore,and they do not enter.v一个圈子的绝大多数成员都会满足于生活在这个圈子中，实际上是把它看作了整个世界，社交领袖们除了要熟知自己这个圈子的情况以外，还要不断认识它在整个社交界的等级体系中所处的地位。Where most of the members of a set live complacently within the set,regarding i

27、t for all practical purposes as the world,the social leaders must combine an intimate knowledge of the anatomy of their own set with a persistent sense of its place in the hierarchy of sets.v在社交圈子的等级体系中，每个社交圈子的相对地位都有着非常明确的形象。处在同一个层次的圈子之间，交往时没有障碍的。The hierarchy,in fact,is bound together by the social

28、 leaders.At any one level there is something which might almost be called a social set of the social leaders.v组成最高社交圈子的人们体现着“大社会”的领导权。这个“最上流社会”几乎不理睬任何一个两眼只盯着地方事务的社交圈子，在那里，战争与和平，社会战略的重大决策以及最高政治权利的分配，都是在一个至少是潜在的熟人圈子里进行的。The highest social set consists of those who embody the leadership of the Great So

29、ciety.As against almost every other social set where the bulk of the opinions are first hand only about local affairs,in this Highest Society the big decisions of war and peace,of social strategy and the ultimate distribution of political power,are intimate experiences within a circle of what,potent

30、ially at least,are personal acquaintances.第四章第四章 时间与注意力时间与注意力 CHAPTER IV TIME AND ATTENTIONv霍奇基斯和弗兰肯曾向纽约市的1761名大学生发放了一份调查表，答卷基本收回。斯科特则向芝加哥的4000位知名实业家和专业人士发放了一份调查表，收回2300份答卷。A questionnaire was sent by Hotchkiss and Franken to 1761 men and women college students in New York City,and answers came from

31、 all but a few.Scott used a questionnaire on four thousand prominent business and professional men in Chicago and received replies from twenty-three hundred.v答复了这两项调查的人，总计有70-75%认为自己一天能用15分钟的时间读报。芝加哥只有4%的人认为不足这个时间，25%的人多于这个时间。8%多一点的纽约人读报时间不足15分钟，17.5%多于15分钟。Nearly seventy-one percent based their con

32、scious preference on local news(17.5%),or political(15.8%)or financial(11.3%),orforeign(9.5%),or general(7.2%),or editorials(9%).The other thirty percent decided on grounds not connected with public affairs.v 极少有人会精确地卡着15分钟，所以对这些数字不能从字面上去理解。此外，绝大多数实业家，专业人士和大学生都有一种奇怪的小偏见，认为不必花太多的时间去读报，同时，也许应当多少怀疑一下，他

33、们想要表现得像是些眼疾手快的读者。Very few people have an accurate idea of fifteen minutes,so the figures are not to be taken literally.Moreover,business men,professional people,and college students are most of them liable to a curious little bias against appearing to spend too much time over the newspapers,and perh

34、aps also to a faint suspicion of a desire to be known as rapid readers.v所有这些能被合理采用的数字都表明，3/4以上的受调查者对于书面上的外部世界的新闻所给予的注意力都相当之低。These time estimates are fairly well confirmed by a test which is less subjective.Scott asked his Chicagoans how many papers they read each day.v我们的时间和注意力有限，不愿费力注意那些还没有被视为理所当然

35、的意见，而且我们很不容易受到不断的干扰。No elaborate deductions are to be drawn from these figures.They help merely to make somewhat more concrete our notions of the effort that goes day by day into acquiring the data of our opinions.第五章第五章 速度，词语和清晰度速度，词语和清晰度 CHAPTER V SPEED,WORDS,AND CLEARNESSv就算是个文法大师，他能否把过去几个月来发生在朝鲜

36、的事情完全公正地塞进这百十个字以说明全部事实真相，这是很值得怀疑的。因为语言绝不是一个完美的达意工具。It is doubtful whether a supreme master of style could pack all the elements of truth that complete justice would demand into a hundred word account of what had happened in Korea during the course of several months.For language is by no means a perf

37、ect vehicle of meanings.v同一个词语在记者与读者的头脑中是否能唤起同一个想象，这谁都没有把握。There is no certainty whatever that the same word will call out exactly the same idea in the readers mind as it did in the reporters.v我们用那些看懂了的词语唤起各种想法，构成了我们观点的绝大部分依据。世界太大，我们面对的情况太复杂，我们得到的信息又太少，因此，舆论的绝大部分就必定会出产生于想象。To them the words so acqui

38、red are the cue for a whole train of ideas on which ultimately a vote of untold consequences may be based.Necessarily the ideas which we allow the words we read to evoke form the biggest part of the original data of our opinions.The world isvast,the situations that concern us are intricate,the messa

39、ges are few,the biggest part of opinion must be constructed in the imagination.v我们在使用“墨西哥”这个词语时，它在纽约居民的头脑中会产生一幅什么样的景象呢？很可能是某种混合景象，里面有沙滩，仙人掌，油井，或者还有即将受到浓烟滚滚的工业主义前景的侵袭并且为人权而斗争的质朴的农民。When we use the word Mexico what picture does it evoke in a resident of New York?Likely as not,it is some composite of s

40、and,cactus,oil wells,greasers,rum-drinking Indians,testy old cavaliers flourishing whiskers and sovereignty,or perhaps an idyllic peasantry la Jean Jacques,assailed by the prospect of smoky industrialism,and fighting for the Rights of Man.v头脑的清醒就在于有能力分辨出表面的相似，注意力到差异以及鉴别出变化。这是一种相对能力。The power to diss

41、ociate superficial analogies,attend to differences and appreciate variety is lucidity of mind.It is a relative faculty.v一个只是乘坐别人汽车的人不大可能在一辆福特车，一辆出租车和一辆机动车之间看出更细致的差别。但是，如果同一个人能够拥有一辆自己的车开，那么他只需看一眼一辆汽车的后尾，就能描绘出汽化器的差别。A man who merely rides in other peoples automobiles may not rise to finer discriminati

42、on than between a Ford,a taxicab,and an automobile.But let that same man own a car and drive it,let him,as the psychoanalysts would say,project his libido upon automobiles,and he will describe a difference in carburetors by looking at the rear end of a car a city block away.v实验表明，我们被灌输的一些所谓情感冲突破坏了联想

43、的速度，精度性和思想的质量。Those facts which belong together in the world have not yetbeen separated from those which happen to lie side by side in the stream of consciousness.v我们的公众舆论是间歇性地同各种情结发生着联系，同野心，经济利益，个人仇恨，种族偏见，阶级感情等等联系在一起，它们以各种方式歪曲着我们的看法，想法和言谈举止。We learn to understand why our addled minds seize so littl

44、e with precision,why they are caught up and tossed about in a kind of tarantella by headlines and catch-words,why so often they cannot tell things apart or discern identity in apparent differences.第三部分 成见PART III STEREOTYPES 第六章 成见 CHAPTER VI STEREOTYPES 我们每个人都是生活，工作在这个地球的一隅，在一个小圈子里活动，只有寥寥无几的知交，我们对具

45、有广泛影响的公共事件充其量只能了解某个方面或某一片段。Each of us lives and works on a small part of the earths surface,moves in a small circle,and of these acquaintances knows only a few intimately.Of any public event that has wide effects we see at best only a phase and an aspect.v我们的见解不可避免地涵盖着要比我们的直接观察更为广泛的空间，更为漫长的时间和更为庞杂的事

46、物。因此，这些见解是由别人的报道和我们自己的想象拼合在一起的。Inevitably our opinions cover a bigger space,a longer reach of time,a greater number of things,than we can directly observe.They have,therefore,to be pieced together out of what others have reported and what we can imagine.v 一篇报道乃是当事人和知情者的共同产物，其中那个旁观者的角色总是带着选择性的倾向，通常还会

47、带有创造性。我们对事实的认识取决于我们所处的地位和我们的观察习惯。A report is the joint product of the knower and known,in which the role of the observer is always selective and usually creative.The facts we see depend on where we are placed,and the habits of our eyes.v一个见多识广的外行人和一个化学家对“金属”一次可能作出的定义会是多么大相径庭。在那位外行看来，金属大概就是指平滑，坚硬，有光泽

48、，耀眼，体积小重量大，其特性包括砸不裂拉不断，冷了硬热了软，能保持给定的形状，抗挤压，耐腐蚀的东西。Dewey gives an example of how differently an experienced layman and a chemist might define the word metal.Smoothness,hardness,glossiness,and brilliancy,heavy weight for its size.the serviceable properties of capacity for being hammered and pulled wit

49、hout breaking,of being softened by heat and hardened by cold,of retaining the shape and form given,of resistance to pressure and decay,would probably be included in the laymans definition.v但化学家很可能会对这些审美与实用的特性忽略不计，而把金属定义为：与氧化合并生成氧化物的化学元素。But the chemist would likely as not ignore these esthetic and u

50、tilitarian qualities,and define a metal as any chemical element that enters into combination with oxygen so as to form a base.v 在未经专门训练的观察活动中，我们会选择那些很容易辨认的环境标志。这种标志反映的是观念，而这些观念则会由于我们丰富的想象力而膨胀。Thus out of forty trained observers writing a responsible account of a scene that had just happened before t